Fellow Nigerians,
I address you today with a deep sense of world history and
particularly of the history of our great country. In the aftermath of
the recently annulled presidential election, I feel, as I believe you
yourself feel, a profound sense of disappointment at the outcome of our
last efforts at laying the foundation of a viable democratic system of
government in Nigeria.
I therefore wish, on behalf of myself and members of the
National Defence and Security Council and indeed of my entire
administration, to feel with my fellow countrymen and women for the
cancellation of the election.
It was a rather disappointing experience in the course of
carrying through the last election of the transition to civil rule
programme. Nigeria has come a long way since this administration assumed
power and leadership about eight years ago. In the attempt to grapple
with the critical and monumental problems and challenges of national
existence and social progress, this administration inaugurated and
pursued sound and justifiable policies and programmes of reform.
These policies and programmes have touched virtually all
aspects of our national life – the economy, political process, social
structures, external relations, bureaucracy and even the family system.
I believe strongly that in understanding, conception,
formulation and articulation, these policies and programmes are not only
sound but also comparatively unassailable. I believe too that history,
with the passage of time, would certainly score the administration high
in its governance of our country.
Let me also express my deep conviction that the core strategy
and structures of our reform policies and programmes, as enunciated in
1986/87, would, for a very long time, remain relevant and durable in the
course of changing our country positively.
I believe that at the exit of the administration from power, we
would leave behind for prosperity a country with an economy, the
structures of which have been turned around for good.
The average Nigerian person has come to reconcile himself with
the fact that his or her social progress remains essentially in his or
her hands in collaboration with other fellow Nigerians and not merely
relying on what government alone could provide for him or her. The days
are gone for good, when men and women trooped to government
establishments for employment and for benevolence.
This administration has built the foundation that would take
Nigerians away from their previous colonially-induced motivations and
the encumbrances of colonialism. We have laid the foundation for
self-reliant economic development and social justice.
We have established a new basis in our country in which
economic liberalization would continue to flourish alongside democratic
forces and deregulated power structure. In all these, the average
Nigerian person has more than ever before this administration imbibed
and assimilated the values of hard work, resilience and self-confidence.
It is true that in the course of implementing our reform
policies and programmes and especially because of the visionary zeal
with which we approached the assignment and responded to incidental
pressures of governance, we engendered a number of social forces in the
country. This is so because we sought to challenge and transform extant
social forces which had in the past impeded growth and development of
our country.
We also sought to deal with the new forces to which our
programmes of action gave rise. Thus in dealing with the dynamics of
both the old and new social forces, we ran into certain difficulties.
In particular, during the course of handling the interlocking
relationships between the old and new political forces and institutions,
some problems had arisen leading us into a number of difficulties and
thereby necessitating our having to tamper with the rules and
regulations laid down in the political programme. As a result, the
administration unwittingly attracted enormous public suspicions of its
intentions and objectives.
Accordingly, we have experienced certain shortfalls and
conflicting responses to the pulls and pushes of governance in the
course of policy implementation. I believe that areas of difficulties
with the transition programme, especially from the last quarter of 1992
to the recent cancelled presidential election, derived primarily from
the shortfalls in implementing the programmes of actions which, though
objectively taken, may have caused a deviation from the original
framework and structure of the programme.
Fellow Nigerians, it is true that by the cancelled presidential
election, we all found the nation at a peculiar bar of history which
was neither bargained for, nor was it envisaged in the reform programmes
of transition as enunciated in 1986/87. In the circumstance, the
administration had no option than to respond appropriately to the
unfortunate experience of terminating the presidential election.
Our actions are in full conformity with the original objectives
of the transition to civil programme. It was also in conformity with
the avowed commitment of the administration to advance the cause of
national unity, stability, and democracy. In annulling the presidential
election, this administration was keenly aware of its promise in
November 1992 that it would disengage and institute a return to
democracy on August 27, 1993.
We are determined to keep the promise. Since this transition,
and indeed any transition, must have an end, I believe that our
transition programme should and must come to an end, honestly and
honourably. History will bear witness that as an administration we have
always striven, in all our policy decisions, to build the foundation of
lasting democracy.
Lasting democracy is not a temporary show of excitement and
manipulation by an over-articulate section of the elite and its captive
audience; lasting democracy is a permanent diet to nurture the soul of
the whole nation and the political process. Therefore, it is logical, as
we have always insisted upon, that lasting democracy must be equated
with political stability. Informed by our sad experience of history, we
require nothing short of a foundation for lasting democracy.
As an administration, we cannot afford to leave Nigerian into a
Third Republic with epileptic convulsions in its democratic health.
Nigeria must therefore confront her own reality; she must solve her
problems notwithstanding other existing models of democracy in other
parts of the world.
In my address to the nation in October 1992, when the first
presidential primaries were cancelled, I had cause to remind our country
men and women that there is nowhere in the world in which the practice
of democracy is the same, even if the principles are similar and even
for countries sharing the same intellectual tradition and cultural
foundation. The history of our country is not the history of any other
country in the world which is either practising advanced democracy or
struggling to lay the foundation for democracy.
Yet, in spite of the uniqueness and peculiarities of Nigeria,
there are certain prerequisites which constitute an irreducible minimum
for democracy. Such essential factors include: A. Free and fair
elections; B. Uncoerced expression of voters preference in election; C.
Respect for electorate as unfettered final arbiter on elections; D.
Decorum and fairness on the part of the electoral umpires; E. Absolute
respect for the rule of law.
Fellow Nigerians, you would recall that it was precisely
because the presidential primaries of last year did not meet the basic
requirements of free and fair election that the Armed Forces Ruling
Council had good reason to cancel those primaries.
The recently annulled presidential election was similarly
afflicted by these problems. Even before the presidential election, and
indeed at the party conventions, we had full knowledge of the bad
signals pertaining to the enormous breach of the rules and regulations
of democratic elections.
But because we were determined to keep faith with the deadline
of 27th August, 1993 for the return to civil rule, we overlooked the
reported breaches. Unfortunately, these breaches continued into the
presidential election of June 12, 1993, on an even greater proportion.
There were allegations of irregularities and other acts of bad
conduct leveled against the presidential candidates but NEC went ahead
and cleared them. There were proofs as well as documented evidence of
widespread use of money during the party primaries as well as the
presidential election.
These were the same bad conduct for which the party
presidential primaries of 1992 were cancelled. Evidence available to
government put the total amount of money spent by the presidential
candidates at over two billion, one hundred million naira (N2.1
billion).
The use of money was again the major source of undermining the
electoral process. Both these allegations and evidence were known to the
National Defence and Security Council before the holding of the June
12, 1993 election, the National Defence and Security Council overlooked
these areas of problems in its determination to fulfill the promise to
hand over to an elected president on due date.
Apart from the tremendous negative use of money during the
party primaries and presidential election, there were moral issues which
were also overlooked by the Defence and National Security Council.
There were cases of documented and confirmed conflict of
interest between the government and both presidential candidates which
would compromise their positions and responsibilities were they to
become president.
We believe that politics and government are not ends in
themselves. Rather, service and effective amelioration of the condition
of our people must remain the true purpose of politics. It is true that
the presidential election was generally seen to be free, fair and
peaceful.
However, there was in fact a huge array of electoral
malpractices virtually in all the states of the federation before the
actual voting began. There were authenticated reports of the electoral
malpractices against party agents, officials of the National Electoral
Commission and also some members of the electorate.
If all of these were clear violations of the electoral law,
there were proofs of manipulations through offer and acceptance of money
and other forms of inducement against officials of the National
Electoral Commission and members of the electorate. There were also
evidence of conflict in the process of authentication and clearance of
credentials of the presidential candidates.
Indeed, up to the last few hours of the election, we continued,
in our earnest steadfastness with our transition deadline, to overlook
vital facts. For example, following the Council’s deliberation which
followed the court injunction suspending the election, majority of
members of the National Defence and Security Council supported
postponement of the election by one week.
This was to allow NEC enough time to reach all the voters,
especially in the rural areas, about the postponement. But persuaded by
NEC that it was capable of relaying the information to the entire
electorate within the few hours left before the election, the Council,
unfortunately, dropped the idea of shifting the voting day.
Now, we know better. The conduct of the election, the behaviour
of the candidates and post-election responses continued to elicit
signals which the nation can only ignore at its peril.
It is against the foregoing background that the administration
became highly concerned when these political conflicts and breaches were
carried to the court. It must be acknowledged that the performance of
the judiciary on this occasion was less than satisfactory.
The judiciary has been the bastion of the hopes and liberties
of our citizens. Therefore, when it became clear that the courts had
become intimidated and subjected to the manipulation of the political
process, and vested interests, then the entire political system was in
clear dangers.
This administration could not continue to watch the various
high courts carry on their long drawn out processes and contradictory
decisions while the nation slides into chaos. It was under this
circumstance that the National Defence and Security Council decided that
it is in the supreme interest of law and order, political stability and
peace that the presidential election be annulled.
As an administration, we have had special interest and concern
not only for the immediate needs of our society, but also in laying the
foundation for generations to come. To continue action on the basis of
the June 12, 1993 election, and to proclaim and swear in a president who
encouraged a campaign of divide and rule among our ethnic groups would
have been detrimental to the survival of the Third Republic.
Our need is for peace, stability and continuity of politics in
the interest of all our people. Fellow countrymen and women, although
the National Electoral Commission and the Centre for Democratic Studies
officially invited foreign observers for the presidential election, the
administration also considered it, as important as a democratic society,
that our activities and electoral conduct must be open not only to the
citizenry of our country but also to the rest of the world.
In spite of this commitment, the administration did not and
cannot accept that foreign countries should interfere in our internal
affairs and undermine our sovereignty. The presidential election was not
an exercise imposed on Nigerians by the United Nations or by the wishes
of some global policemen of democracy.
It was a decision embarked upon independently by the government
of our country and for the interest of our country. This is because we
believe, just like other countries, that democracy and democratization
are primary values which Nigerians should cultivate, sustain and
consolidate so as to enhance freedom, liberties and social development
of the citizenry.
The actions of these foreign countries are most unfortunate and
highly regrettable. There is nowhere in the history of our country or
indeed of the third world where these countries can be said to love
Nigeria or Nigerians any more than the love we have for ourselves and
for our country. Neither can they claim to love Nigeria any more than
this administration loves our country.
Accordingly, I wish to state that this administration will take
necessary action against any interest groups that seek to interfere in
our internal affairs. In this vein, I wish to place on record the
appreciation of this administration for the patience and understanding
of Nigerians, the French, the Germans, the Russians and Irish
governments in the current situation.
I appeal to our fellow countrymen and women and indeed our
foreign detractors that they should cultivate proper understanding and
appreciation of the peculiar historic circumstances in the development
of our country and the determination not only of this administration but
indeed of all Nigerians to resolve the current crises.
Fellow Nigerians, the National Security and Defence Council has met several times since the June 12, 1993 election.
The council has fully deliberated not only on our avowed
commitment but also to bequeathing to posterity a sound economic and
political base in our country and we shall do so with honour.
In our deliberations, we have also taken note of several
extensive consultations with other members of this administration, with
officers and men of the Armed Forces and with well-meaning Nigerian
leaders of thought. We are committed to handing over power on 27th
August, 1993.
Accordingly, the National Defence and Security Council has
decided that, by the end of July 1993, the two political parties, under
the supervision of a recomposed National Electoral Commission, will put
in place the necessary process for the emergence of two presidential
candidates.
This shall be conducted according to the rules and regulations
governing the election of the president of the country. In this
connection, government will, in consultation with the two political
parties and National Electoral Commission, agree as to the best and
quickest process of conducting the election. In the light of our recent
experience and, given the mood of the nation, the National Defence and
Security Council has imposed additional conditions as a way of widening
and deepening the base of electing the president and sanitizing the
electoral process.
Accordingly, the candidates for the coming election must: (1)
Not be less than 50 years old; (2) Have not been convicted of any crime;
(3) Believe, by act of faith and practice, in the corporate existence
of Nigeria; (4) Possess records of personal, corporate and business
interests which do not conflict with national interests; (5) Have been
registered members of either of the two political parties for at least
one year to this election.
All those previously banned from participating in the
transition process, other than those with criminal records, are hereby
unbanned. They can all henceforth participate in the electoral process.
This is with a view to enriching the quality of candidature for the
election and at the same time tap the leadership resources of our
country to the fullest. The decree to this effect will be promulgated.
Fellow Nigerians, I wish to finally acknowledge the tremendous
value of your patience and understanding, especially in the face of
national provocation. I urge you to keep faith with the commitment of
this administration.
I enjoin you to keep faith with the unity, peace and stability
of our country for this is the only country that you and I can call our
own. Nowhere in the world, no matter the prompting and inducements of
foreign countries, can Nigerians ever be regarded as first class
citizens.
Nigeria is the only country that we have. We must therefore
renew our hope in Nigeria, and faith and confidence in ourselves for
continued growth, development and progress.
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